The key factor hypothesized to distinguish between them is stability.4 Life satisfaction and morale are conceptualized as relatively stable orientations toward life that, though evaluative, are not affected by transient moods. Happiness is viewed as less stable and less cognitive than

life satisfaction and positive affect is expected to be the least stable, changing rapidly and frequently in response to stimuli in the immediate environment.5 SWB is measured with three primary types of instruments. Most commonly used are “single-item measures” of life satisfaction and RAD001 concentration happiness. A second approach is “multi-item scales,” such as the Philadelphia Geriatric Center (PGC) Morale Scale.6 A final strategy is “multidimensional scales” of which Ryff’s Psychological Well-Being

Index (PWI)7 and Diener’s Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS)8 are among the best known. Single-item measures are usually psychometrically inferior to multi-item (and, therefore, multidimensional) scales because of lower validity and reliability. That does not Palbociclib seem to be true, however, for single-item measures of subjective well-being.9 Single-item measures are especially likely to be used in social surveys and cross-national comparisons for two reasons. First, because they are short and secondly, because happiness and life satisfaction translate well across cultures, but some of the items in multi-item scales do not.9 Many factors are known to influence the subjective well-being of older adults. Campbell et al reported that age patterns of life satisfaction and happiness differ somewhat. Based on data from a representative national sample, they compared young,

middleaged, and older adults. Older adults were the most satisfied with their lives, middle-aged adults were the least satisfied, and young adults were intermediate. mafosfamide With regard to happiness, however, young adults were happiest, the middle-aged were least happy, and older adults were intermediate.10 A consistent finding, based on data spanning 35 years, according to Yang is that the proportions of Americans who report high levels of SWB increases substantially with age.11 Using repeated cross-sectional surveys from 1972 to 2004, Yang found that older adults consistently reported higher levels of happiness than young and middle-aged adults11. An important contribution of the study by Yang is that age effects were estimated with the effects of period and cohort statistically controlled11. Pinquart and Sorensen also reported a strong pattern of increasing SWB with age based on a metaanalysis of 286 studies.12 For young and middle-aged adults, education and income are the strongest predictors of SWB. Their importance for SWB in late life is however less clear.9 In a meta-analysis of 286 studies, it was found that both education and income were robust predictors of SWB in later life, with income the stronger of the two.12 Education appears to confer a lifelong advantage for healthy ageing.